ISTANBUL – Speaking at the conference in Istanbul, Gültan Kışanak said: "Democratic transformation has become as vital a necessity as bread and water." Rıza Türmen, calling for "a new democracy movement," emphasized that the Kurds must be the founding will of the republic.

 

The "Conference on the Democratic Transformation of the Republic in the Second Century," which will continue for two days in Istanbul, has begun. The conference, held at the call of 29 intellectuals and writers, brought together a large number of figures from many circles, ranging from politics to civil society and the world of culture and art.

 

Democratic Regions Party (DBP) Co-Chairs Çiğdem Kılıçgün Uçar and Keskin Bayındır, and Peoples' Equality and Democracy  (DEM) Party Co-Chairs Tülay Hatimoğulları and Tuncer Bakırhan are among the figures attending the conference.

 

The opening speeches of the conference were given by Gültan Kışanak and Rıza Türmen, among the conveners.

 

NEW DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT

 

Stating that the AKP had dismantled the foundational consensus upon which the republic was built, Rıza Türmen said: “It did not replace it with a new one. Because it failed to do so, pathological symptoms emerged. The AKP has now moved toward establishing a one-man regime. As a result, Turkey has reached a crossroads. It will either continue to live under a dark one-man rule, or it will overcome it and a brand-new sun will rise. A better Turkey will be born. We are holding this conference so that a better Turkey may emerge. This conference is taking place at a time when the republic is at its greatest distance from democracy. At no point in its history has the republic been this far removed from democracy. This places a special responsibility upon us. Can we initiate a new democracy movement? Can we create the ground necessary for such a movement? Because if we fail to do so, the one-man regime institutionalized after the 2017 referendum will drag the Republic of Turkey into an even darker phase.”

 

Criticizing the “absolute nullity” ruling against the CHP congress where the current administration was elected, Türmen continued: “The elected leader of a political party can now be replaced through a court decision. This means the multi-party era is over. The fundamental contradiction is not the rivalry between two chairpersons. The real contradiction is between those who stand for democracy and those who seek to eliminate democracy and establish a one-man regime. In the face of this reality, we are obliged to launch a new democratic struggle. If we are to initiate a new democracy movement, we must learn lessons from the past. It is important to assess the old order and to examine why this republic failed to democratize. One distinctive aspect of this conference is that it builds a bridge between the past and the future. By looking to the past, it seeks to prepare a project for the future.

 

A democratic struggle is absolutely necessary. A broad front must be established. All democratic organizations must be brought together. At the same time, people must be drawn into politics and turned into active participants. Alongside resistance, a new project must be presented. It is necessary to explain to the people that there is a direct connection between poverty and democracy, or between the erosion of democracy and poverty.

 

A process referred to as ‘Terror-Free Turkey’ has been initiated in Turkey. The Kurdish issue can only be resolved within a democratic framework. Without democracy, the Kurdish issue cannot be resolved. Yet we are attempting to resolve the Kurdish issue at a time when we are furthest from democracy. The Kurdish issue and democracy must be treated as an inseparable whole—not only in thought, but also in practice. Kurds should become the driving force of democracy. They are in the strongest position to energize the democratic engine. When Kurds speak of democracy, they are speaking about themselves. For Kurds, democracy is a matter of existence. If we seek recognition of Kurdish identity and universal rights, this can only be achieved in a democratic society. Without democracy, Kurds become the ‘other.’ If we are to build a new republic, Kurds must be a constituent force of this new democratic republic. This is what I hope will emerge from this conference. I believe Kurds should be part of the new founding will.

 

Today, I see the Kurdish political movement as the most important movement for democracy in Turkey. I see it as the movement that can ignite democracy. Without it, launching a new democracy movement would be extremely difficult. In Turkey, the Kurdish issue is not being discussed; what is being discussed is ‘Terror-Free Turkey.’ Armed struggle is the result of something. Unless the causes of armed struggle are eliminated, the same causes will eventually produce the same outcomes. We must address the factors that gave rise to the conflict. We must discuss the Kurdish issue. This conference should also produce such a result. It should arrive at a conclusion that integrates the Kurdish issue with democratization.

 

This conference should not be an end; it should be a beginning. It should open a great door of hope amid the profound hopelessness in Turkey. It must become the starting point of a new popular movement and a new democracy movement.”

 

GÜLTEN KIŞANAK: WE CAN SHAPE OUR FUTURE

 

Greeting participants in both Turkish and Kurdish, Gültan Kışanak said: “By an interesting coincidence, we are holding this historic conference in one of the country’s important sites of political memory. We are in the Cem Karaca Cultural Center. Let us remember that after the September 12 coup, Cem Karaca was stripped of his citizenship in this country. In other words, he was told at the highest level: ‘You are no longer one of us; you are outside.’ He was deprived not only of the homeland where he was born and raised, but also of the right to citizenship that represented his political will. Today, in this venue bearing the name of Cem Karaca—a musician who was rendered stateless and whose will was denied—we will discuss exactly how to overcome ‘a hundred years of loneliness, otherization, exclusion, polarization, alienation, and conflict,’ and above all, how to overcome these problems.”

 

Noting that the problems experienced during the republic’s first century can be overcome through “democratic transformation,” Gültan Kışanak continued: “In the second century, we aspire to reach a democratic republic by following this course together. This is the future we envision. We cannot allow what we have experienced to narrow our horizons or push us into despair. The end of exclusionary practices created by authoritarian, monist, and supremacist approaches; the peaceful resolution of the Kurdish issue based on the principles of freedom and equality; the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms; and the vision of a shared democratic future are our greatest sources of motivation. We can succeed. We can shape our future.

 

If we can meet on the path of democratic transformation, we will see that a shared future based on peace and democracy is not so far away. Today, we have come together not only to discuss the past, but more importantly, the future and what is possible. In Turkish, the words ‘to speak’ and ‘neighbor’ derive from the verb ‘to settle’ or ‘to perch’—to stay in one place, to rest on the same branch. To stand together in the same place. To share the same ground, the same branch; to be neighbors and to speak; to establish an assembly of friendship… Today, we will not merely engage in theoretical discussions. We will once again remember that we are neighbors and that we live together in this ancient geography. We will touch one another’s truths.

 

This is precisely why we needed this conference. For two days, we will discuss our aspirations for democratization—aspirations that have been postponed, sidelined, and at times blocked by coups for a century.

 

Our conference program is quite comprehensive. Important presentations will address the reckoning and legacy of the past century, the political and social analysis of the period we are going through, and the possibilities for solutions.

 

I will not make a detailed assessment. Instead, I would like to briefly highlight four fundamental characteristics of the current period and emphasize that democratic transformation is both inevitable and difficult. The first characteristic is that we are living through an era of multiple crises: a crisis of authoritarian governance, an economic crisis, a political crisis, an ecological crisis, a crisis of masculinity, a crisis of identities, and more. Added to these are crises stemming from global and regional developments.

 

This situation of multiple crises has created a state of chaos, confusion, and uncertainty. As a result, society is marked by hopelessness, unhappiness, passivity, and a waiting mentality. This condition excludes society and the people from the position of political subjects. Yet the foundation and subject of democratic transformation is the people. If society’s dynamic and transformative power experiences structural silence, democracy dies. Therefore, democratic transformation has become as vital a necessity as bread and water.

 

By engaging politically at the intersection of these multiple crises, it is possible to generate successful practices of social struggle. We must develop common struggle and solidarity by recognizing that the problems of a fisherman in the Black Sea are connected to the ecological crisis; that femicides are connected to war; that justice is connected to poverty; and that the Kurdish issue is connected to the authoritarian regime.

 

Second, the pains of the democratic transformation process now knocking at the door are deep and destabilizing. Because democratic transformation is fundamentally systemic in character, it affects governments more than anyone else. Will a 25-year-long government change? Will it resist change? Has the political regime changed? Has a critical threshold been crossed? Is a regime without opposition being built? These vital questions are being asked. Yet the reality is that those in power also know they are on the eve of change, and they are both experiencing and generating the pains of this transformation.

 

Now, in the republic’s second century, both the opposition and the government are confronted with the inevitable consequences of change. Because resistance to democratic change remains dominant, the country is experiencing profound political chaos.

 

Third, a significant need and opportunity for change have emerged regarding the Kurdish issue, which has a historical background spanning more than a century and has been situated within a framework of conflict for the last forty years. How prepared the state, the political establishment—both government and opposition—and society are for this profound transformation, and how the process will unfold, are critically important. Broadly speaking, the Kurdish issue has ceased to be a question of separation and has become a question of recognition and incorporation into the legal framework. This points to a very deep process of transformation. The ‘Kurdish reality’ has now arrived at the door of law.

 

Can we establish a legal transformation and an inclusive legal order? What must be done is to transform the republic from a fortress of fears into a common home of freedoms. The democratic nation will consist of equal and free citizens living in this common home; inclusive and comprehensive law will serve as its foundational pillars; and the democratic republic will form its roof. The time has come to establish a republic based on pluralism.

 

The pains of this major transformation and change, brought to the forefront through the Kurdish issue, are also being felt. The fourth noteworthy feature of the current period is the paradox whereby a window of opportunity for peace is opening while the crisis of democracy is deepening. We must overcome this contradiction. The most fundamental characteristic of successful peace processes is that they exclude no one. The broadest possible social and political consensus is the guarantee of peace.

 

Although it has shortcomings, the preparation of a joint parliamentary report on peace and resolution is extremely important. The consensus achieved there is now being undermined through operations targeting the main opposition party. Most recently, judicial intervention and the absolute nullity crisis represent attempts to sabotage peace efforts. Peace and democracy are inseparable. Neither is a prerequisite for the other. And we know from the experiences of the past century that the imposed state of non-resolution regarding the Kurdish issue has been used as the primary source, laboratory, and testing ground of the democracy crisis.

 

A democratic system based on equality, guaranteeing fundamental rights and freedoms and excluding no one, will be the guarantee of lasting peace. Equal citizenship rights regardless of identity, language, belief, or gender; judicial independence; separation of powers; freedom of expression; press freedom; freedom of organization; freedom of religion and conscience; a pluralist political system; electoral guarantees; local democracy; and a peaceful resolution of the Kurdish issue are the building blocks of democratic transformation. We cannot build the roof of our common home while leaving these behind.

 

At this conference, we will address both the structural problems of the republic and current issues together, seeking to develop a strong democratization perspective for the second century. Aware that democratic transformation is a long and difficult process, we issued the call for this conference as a first step. From this point forward, we regard everyone who has answered this call as an initiator of the democratic transformation process. We thank all those who have contributed and participated, and we hope that this effort will continue through further initiatives. We especially expect young people to take initiative regarding the future, organize their own spaces for discussion, and unleash the creative power of youth.”